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The roots of China’s recent boom extend deep into its imperial and communist past. But tradition’s legacy is a complicated one. To achieve modern development, China had to throw off the “yoke” of traditional society. Yet the long traditions of centralized government administration, kin-based entrepreneurism, and value placed on education and diligence prepared the Chinese well for capitalism. Despite catastrophes like the Great Leap Forward and the famine in its wake, Mao Zedong’s nation building efforts between the founding of the PRC in 1949 and the unleashing of the Cultural Revolution in 1966 laid socialist foundations for the subsequent boom. Even the disastrous, decade-long Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution contributed to the boom: By eroding public support for radical politics, the ground was cleared for a transition from revolution to reform—for new policies that were gradualist, internationalist and capitalist.

China Was Already Very Strong Before the Reforms

Period: Inheritance (Pre-1978)

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Videosinthisperiod

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  • It's All About the Rural Household

    Deborah Davis

  • Reform Could Not Have Happened Without Mao

    Cui Zhiyuan

  • Gender Empowerment in China is a Big Advantage

    Pallavi Aiyar

  • China’s Leaders Embraced Reform to Stay In Power

    Philip P. Pan

  • Cultural Revolution Raised Mass Support for Reform

    Wang Yong

  • The Cultural Revolution Was Devastating

    Zhang Jingjing

  • China's Commercial Spirit Has Not Been Lost

    David Wei

  • China Was Already Very Strong Before the Reforms

    Jin Canrong

  • Land Reform Was a Necessary Evil

    Chen Ping

  • The Cultural Revolution Broke All Patterns of Restraint

    Robert Oxnam

  • The Cultural Revolution

    Akio Takahara

  • China’s Growth is Like a Slingshot

    Trevor Houser

  • An Opportunity to Question the Whole Existing System

    Luo Yan

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Meettheexpert

Jin Canrong

Senior Fellow, IAS, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences

Jin Canrong is currently a senior fellow at the Institute of American Studies (IAS) at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS). Trained in political science, Jin got his Ph.D. from Beijing University, his MA from the Graduate School of CASS, and his BA from the Department of International Studies at Fudan University. He has been a visiting scholar at Columbia University and at Rutgers University. His research interests include the US Congress, intergovernmental relations in America, civil society and democracy, and Sino-US relations.

He has also served as Deputy Director of the Beijing Pacific Institute for International Strategy Studies, the first non-governmental research institute in the field of international relations in China; Deputy Director of the Center for American Studies at the People’s University of China; Special Adviser for the Research Bureau of the National People’s Congress of China; and Executive editor-in-chief of the Pacific Journal, an academic quarterly published by the Pacific Society of China.

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Our modern higher education system was founded in the late Qing Dynasty. Institutions of higher education -- like Beida -- were established by the Qing dynasty. And Tsinghua University. So, the education system was started in the Qing dynasty. And we had Jiangnan Zhizao Ju, I forgot the English name of this factory, but they imported some German engineer. They brought in modern technology, basic skills for manufacturing. And ROK [sic] established a modern financial system. In 1935, when there was Baiying Weiji, the civil crisis -- actually, the civil crisis was caused by United States -- they hurt China and forced the Guomindang government -- the Nanjing government -- to create a modern currency system. And then in Mao Zedong’s time, China established a modern interest rate system, so when Deng Xiaoping launched his reform, China was already a very strong country. In 1949, out of 500 million Chinese people, there were only 160,000 daxue sen, people with bachelor’s degrees. But, by the end of Mao’s rule, there were over 8 million. And the life expectancy in 1949 was just 39; less than 40. But, by the end of Mao’s rule, when the reform started, the average life expectancy had risen to 69. Thirty years more than in 1949. And China had liangdan yixin, ballistic, intercontinental missiles, satellites, nuclear bombs, and nuclear submarines. So as an academic, I would try to stick to a so-called political-neutral stance.

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“China Was Already Very Strong Before the Reforms | Jin Canrong | Inheritance | The China Boom Project.”
The China Boom Project.
The Asia Society Center on US-China Relations.
1 June 2010.
Web.
09 May 2025.
<https://chinaboom.asiasociety.org/period/inheritance/0/100>.
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  • Capitalism
  • Globalization
  • The Party
  • Crisis Management
  • Inheritance (Pre-1978)
  • Emancipation (1978-1984)
  • Reckoning (1985-1989)
  • Rebirth (1990s)
  • Overdrive (2000s)
  • Prospects
  • Mao's Failure, Deng's Success
  • China Boom: Rural China in the 1980s

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